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Economy & business fact checks

Explore claims publishers have checked about economy & business. Read their original ratings and follow the evidence.

7,103 published reviews in this topic

FACTLYEconomy & business

Biggest single day gains for Sensex and Nifty.

Publisher’s rating: TRUE

FACTLY examined a BJP post claiming that Sensex and Nifty recorded their biggest single-day gains in the preceding decade on 20 September 2019. The review identifies Sensex as the BSE index and Nifty as the NSE index, then compares that day’s closing levels and point gains with earlier one-day gains over the decade. Its conclusion is that the claim about both indices is accurate for that time period—not that the gains were necessarily records across all history. [S1: “The official Twitter handle of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on 20th September 2019, tweeted about the biggest single day gains for Sensex and Nifty in the last 10 years.”; “The gains recorded by both Sensex and Nifty on 20 September 2019 were the highest single day gains for over a decade.”] For the Sensex, the review reports a rise of 1,921.15 points, from a 19 September close of 36,093.47 to 38,014.62 on 20 September. It compares this with the prior decade’s largest one-day point gain, 1,421.9 points on 20 May 2019. For Nifty, it reports a 569.4-point rise, from 10,704.8 to 11,274.2, versus an earlier decade-high gain of 421.1 points, also on 20 May 2019. [S1: “On 19 September 2019, BSE Sensex closed at 36093.47 points and on 20 September, it closed at 38014.62 points i.e. a gain of 1921.15 points. Prior to that, the highest one-day gain in the previous decade was 1421.9 points on 20 May 2019.”; “NSE Nifty closed at 10704.8 points on 19 September 2019 and gained 569.4 points on 20 September 2019 to close at 11274.2, the highest single day gain in the last decade.”] The review also checks percentage changes: it says both indices rose 5.32% on 20 September, exceeding their earlier decade-high daily percentage gains in the comparison—3.77% for Sensex and 3.81% for Nifty, both recorded on 10 September 2013. It separately notes that the indices later fell on several days, but that subsequent movement does not undo the measured one-day gains or the review’s decade-bounded comparison. [S1: “Even in terms of percentage gain compared to the previous day, the gain made on 20 September 2019, which is 5.32% was the highest for BSE Sensex in the last decade.”; “The earlier highest percentage gain over the previous day was 3.81% on 10 September 2013.”; “both Sensex and Nifty fell over the next ten days.”]

Fact CrescendoEconomy & business

Claim: Tamil Nadu has the highest toll plazas in India

Publisher’s rating: FALSE

The review investigates a specific claim attributed to a Kalaignar Seithigal Facebook post: that Tamil Nadu had more toll plazas than any other Indian state. It says the post was shared on 11 September 2019 and that people were circulating it as true. The claim compared toll-plaza counts and highway lengths in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra; the review checked whether the figures supported its conclusion. For highway lengths, the review says it consulted a Ministry of Road Transport and Highways release for 2017–18. That information placed Tamil Nadu seventh among states by highway length, rather than among the states with the greatest lengths. For toll-plaza numbers, the review reports checking the National Highways Authority of India’s official website, which it says listed 531 toll plazas operating with the authority’s permission. The counts it reports are 70 in Rajasthan, 60 in Uttar Pradesh, 46 in Tamil Nadu, and 45 each in Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh; Kerala had six, not the three claimed in the post. The review also reports a separate comparison of toll revenue for 2017–18: Rajasthan ranked first, Uttar Pradesh second, Maharashtra third, and Tamil Nadu fourth. It concludes that the claim about Tamil Nadu having the most toll plazas was incorrect. Its stated figures show Tamil Nadu below Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, and also correct the post’s Kerala comparison. The review notes that tolls had recently increased and affected the public, while distinguishing that concern from the unsupported comparisons about toll-plaza numbers, highway lengths and toll payments.

FACTLYEconomy & business

Biggest ever Economic reform since 1991.

Publisher’s rating: MISLEADING

The claim appeared in a BJP tweet on 20 September 2019, alongside claims about Sensex and Nifty gains. FACTLY notes that the tweet did not identify which reform it meant; the review treats the corporate tax-rate cuts announced that day as the likely reference. Its conclusion about the reform claim is distinct from its finding that the indices recorded their largest single-day gains in the preceding decade. FACTLY calls “biggest ever” an exaggeration. To explain why, it points to the market response: after the large gains on 20 September, both indices fell on several of the following trading days. The Sensex rose again on 23 September, then lost ground on four of the next six days; Nifty also rose on the next working day, then recorded losses on five days in the following week, apart from 26 September. The review says this short-lived rally did not establish the magnitude of the tax cuts’ broader economic impact. The review also notes that markets continued to reflect pressures it says the tax relief did not fully address, and that the unusually large one-day move followed lower index levels in preceding months. These observations support FACTLY’s assessment that the sweeping “biggest ever” description was not justified by the evidence it discussed. The excerpt does not provide a systematic comparison of all economic reforms since 1991; its reasoning focuses on the unspecified tweet, the likely tax-cut reference and market performance around the announcement.

YouturnEconomy & business

நீங்கள் வெளியூர் செல்லும் பொழுது தேசிய நெடுஞ்சாலையில் அதாவது நேஷனல் ஹைவேஸ் ரோட்டில் (NHAI) செல்லும் போது கொடுக்கும் பணம். டோல்கேட் கிராஸ் செய்வதற்கு மட்டும் அல்ல. பிறகு வேறெதற்கு? என்கிறீர்களா? சுங்கச் சாவடியைக் கடக்கும் போது, வாகனத்துக்கு ஏற்ப பணத்தைக் கட்டி ரசீது பெற்றுக் கொள்வோம். அதை பத்திரமாக வைத்து கொள்ளவும், எதற்கு என்றால்..உங்க பயணம் எந்த சிரமும் இல்லாமல் இருக்கவும் அப்படி இடர் நேர்ந்தால் சரி செய்யவும் சேர்த்து தான் அந்த பணம் செலுத்துகிறோம்.. காரில் செல்பவர்கள் யாருக்காவது 1. மருத்துவ உதவி தேவைப்பட்டால் ரசீதின் பின்புறம் செல்போன் எண் பதிவாகியிருக்கும். அதற்கு போன் செய்யவும். உடனடியாக ஆம்புலன்ஸ் பத்து நிமிடத்தில் வரும். 2. வண்டி பழுதாகி நின்றாலோ அல்லது பஞ்சர் ஆகி விட்டாலும் அதுக்கு இன்னொரு நம்பர் இருக்கும். அதற்கு போன் செய்தால் பத்து நிமிடத்தில் உங்களுக்காக வந்துருவாங்க, வந்து பஞ்சர் போட்டு கொடுத்துடுவாங்க, ரிப்பேர் எனில் அதையும் சரி செய்து கொடுத்துடு வாங்க. இது அவங்க கடமையாகும். 3. பெட்ரோல், டீசல் இல்லாமல் வண்டி நின்று விட்டால்.. தகவல் சொன்னா உங்களுக்கு அஞ்சு லிட்டர் அல்லது 10 லிட்டர் பெட்ரோல் அல்லது டீசலை கொண்டு வந்துவிடுவார்கள். அதுக்குண்டான பணத்தை கொடுக்க வேண்டும்.

Publisher’s rating: Mix

FACTLYEconomy & business

Sikhs contribute 33% of Income Tax in India.

Publisher’s rating: FALSE

The claim concerns the share of India’s Income Tax attributed to Sikhs. FACTLY says the Income Tax Department publishes direct-tax collection by state, but not by religion. It therefore compared collection from Punjab, Chandigarh and Haryana—regions where Sikhs make up a significant share of the population—with India’s total direct-tax collection. The review also used Census 2011 figures to establish that these regions together account for more than 80% of India’s Sikh population; the excerpt gives Sikh population shares of 58% in Punjab, 13% in Chandigarh and approximately 5% in Haryana. For 2016–17, the three regions’ combined direct-tax collection was less than 4% of the national total. FACTLY notes that this is a geographic comparison, not a count of taxes paid by Sikhs. Even under the deliberately generous assumption that every rupee collected in those regions came from Sikhs, the total would remain far below the claimed one-third. The data described in the review therefore contradict the claim, while not providing a direct religion-based measure of tax contributions. The distinction matters: the review does not establish the exact amount Sikhs paid, because the official data it describes are not categorized by religion. It instead tests whether the claim is compatible with collection totals in regions containing most of India’s Sikh population. Its conclusion is that those regional totals cannot support a 33% national share.

Deutsche Presse-AgenturEconomy & business

In einem Sharepic, das in sozialen Medien geteilt wird, werden Zahlen zum «Stellenabbau 2019/2020» in Deutschland aufgelistet. Neben den Logos von Bündnis90/Die Grünen und Fridays for Future sind die angeblichen Stellenstreichungen bei 16 Unternehmen angegeben, darunter Continental (7000), Michelin (20 000), Mann&Hummel (1200), Siemens (10 000) und die Deutsche Bank (20 000).

Publisher’s rating: Die Zahlen der vom Stellenabbau betroffenen Menschen sind teils frei erfunden, teils stimmt der Zeitbezug nicht. Einige Zahlen beziehen sich nicht auf Deutschland.

The claim concerns a social-media graphic listing supposed job cuts in Germany for 2019/2020. It names 16 companies and includes figures such as 7,000 at Continental, 20,000 at Michelin and Deutsche Bank, 1,200 at Mann+Hummel, and 10,000 at Siemens. The review compares those figures with company announcements and other information available at the time; its examples show that the graphic conflates different timelines, geographic scopes and totals. (S1: “In einem Sharepic, das in sozialen Medien geteilt wird, werden Zahlen zum «Stellenabbau 2019/2020» in Deutschland aufgelistet. Neben den Logos von Bündnis90/Die Grünen und Fridays for Future sind die angeblichen Stellenstreichungen bei 16 Unternehmen angegeben, darunter Continental (7000), Michelin (20 000), Mann&Hummel (1200), Siemens (10 000) und die Deutsche Bank (20 000).”) For Continental, the review says the 7,000 figure concerned cuts expected by 2029, not during 2019/2020. Michelin’s announced closure was its Hallstadt, Bavaria, plant, which employed 858 people; the company’s reported Germany-wide workforce was 5,400. Those details make the graphic’s attribution of 20,000 cuts in Germany inconsistent with the figures described in the review. (S1: “Bei dem Autozulieferer und Reifenhersteller Continental werden nicht in den beiden angegebenen Jahren, sondern erst bis 2029 voraussichtlich 7000 Stellen gestrichen.”; “Der Reifenhersteller Michelin beschäftigt nach eigenen Angaben deutschlandweit nur 5400 Mitarbeiter. Am 25. September 2019 teilte der Konzern mit, dass er sein Werk mit 858 Mitarbeitern im bayerischen Hallstadt schließt.”) The other examples also differ from the graphic’s apparent Germany-specific totals. Mann+Hummel’s planned reduction of 1,200 jobs was worldwide, with up to 300 at German sites. Siemens planned 1,100 job cuts in Germany before spinning off its energy business, rather than 10,000. Deutsche Bank’s planned reduction of around 18,000 jobs was worldwide through 2022, and the review says the number affecting Germany was still unclear at the time. (S1: “Der Filterspezialist Mann+Hummel will weltweit 1200 Stellen abbauen. Auf die deutschen Standorte werden hiervon bis zu 300 Stellen entfallen”; “Siemens will vor der Ausgliederung seiner Energiesparte in Deutschland 1100 Arbeitsplätze streichen”; “Die Deutsche Bank plant bis 2022 den Abbau von weltweit rund 18 000 Stellen. […] Wie viele Jobs in Deutschland betroffen sind, war am 01. Oktober 2019 noch unklar.”)

Deutsche Presse-AgenturEconomy & business

Unter dem Logo der Schokoladenmarke Milka wird Nutzern im Internet ein Angebot vorgegaukelt: Nach Beantwortung einiger Fragen soll es eine Gewinnchance geben. Nach wenigen Klicks wird zu einer anderen Seite umgeleitet und der Nutzer zur Eingabe von persönlichen Daten aufgefordert

Publisher’s rating: Es handelt sich nicht um Webseite von Milka. Unter der Adresse findet sich demnach auch kein Gewinnspiel der Schokoladenmarke. Stattdessen sollen Daten von Nutzern gesammelt werden.

The claim concerns an online offer presented under Milka’s logo: users were promised a chance to win after answering questions, then redirected and asked for personal information. The review identifies example pages for the purported promotion and for later data entry, and concludes that the offer was not Milka’s website or a Milka competition. To check the connection to the brand, the Deutsche Presse-Agentur says it contacted Mondelez Deutschland, the company behind Milka. A company spokesperson said Milka had “no connection” to these competitions. The review also reports that, for Milka or Mondelez competitions, the imprint identifies the company responsible for the promotion. It notes that Milka’s website warned users about competitions lacking that information. The review describes the likely purpose of such pages as collecting personal data, and warns that people who submit telephone numbers or email addresses risk receiving unwanted advertising. The evidence presented supports the distinction between the imitation offer and an official Milka promotion; it does not establish who operated the listed pages or document what happened to any individual’s data.

Deutsche Presse-AgenturEconomy & business

Unter dem Logo des Süßwarenherstellers Haribo wird Nutzern im Internet ein Angebot vorgegaukelt: Wenn man einige Fragen beantwortet, habe man die Chance «ein exklusives 100EUR HARIBO Probierpaket zur Feier des neuen Produktstarts!» zu gewinnen. Wenn man die Fragen beantwortet hat, wird man zu einer anderen Seite umgeleitet. Dort soll man persönliche Daten angeben.

Publisher’s rating: Es handelt sich nicht um eine Webseite von Haribo. Sie bietet also auch kein Gewinnspiel des Unternehmens an. Stattdessen werden Daten von Nutzern gesammelt.

The claim concerns an online promotion using Haribo’s logo that promised a chance to win a “100EUR” sample package after answering questions, then redirected participants to a page asking for personal details. The investigation reports that Haribo’s spokesperson said the promotion was not official, had not been authorized by the company, and had no other relationship with it. That directly contradicts any impression that the offer was a Haribo-run giveaway. The report also describes signs that the promotion was designed to collect users’ information rather than award a genuine prize. It says such sites are often made by companies that earn money by passing on personal data, including names and email addresses, and warns that submitting details could expose users to advertising. The page reportedly lacked an imprint and links to Haribo’s official website; it also did not identify the supposed new product being celebrated. To assess the page’s apparent winner testimonials, the agency used reverse image searches. It says the photo beside “Nadja B” appeared on a Russian social-networking site under the name “mary,” while the image beside “Klara Heister” appeared on a Twitter account located in New Zealand. The report also notes that near-identical pages resembling promotions for other companies could be found, sometimes using the same purported winners. These checks support the conclusion that the page’s presentation did not establish a genuine Haribo contest.

FACTLYEconomy & business

Shortfall of Rs.1.7 lakh crores in government earnings in 2018-19 was compensated by taking money from RBI.

Publisher’s rating: TRUE

The review assessed a claim attributed to the Indian National Congress that 2018-19 government earnings fell Rs.1.7 lakh crore short and that the shortfall was compensated by money taken from the Reserve Bank of India. It compared the government’s revised estimate of revenue receipts with provisional actuals reported in the Economic Survey of India. The review explains that revised estimates are projections, while provisional actuals come from the Controller General of Accounts and are considered a more accurate estimate of earnings for that period. The figures were Rs.17.3 lakh crore in revised revenue receipts and Rs.15.6 lakh crore in provisional actuals, a difference of Rs.1.7 lakh crore. The review therefore concluded that the figures indicated a shortfall against the estimate, while noting that final actual earnings would not be known until the 2020-21 budget was presented. It cited lower gross tax revenue as the reason given in the Economic Survey for the fall in revenue receipts. The review also examined the RBI transfer separately. It reported a transfer of Rs.1.76 lakh crore to the government, but said that the transfer matched the gap between the two revenue figures without establishing that it was made because of that gap. The transfer followed recommendations from an expert committee, so the article cautioned against treating the numerical match as proof that the RBI money compensated for the shortfall.